Close up of Woman's Upward Facing Palms | Moderate, But Not Lukewarm | Public Square Magazine | The Virtue of the Lukewarm | Lukewarm Christianity

Moderate, But Not Lukewarm

There is wisdom in holding space for competing important priorities, while seeking contextual cues in difficult matters to discern the right course. Let’s not confuse that with being “lukewarm.”
Photo by Fa Barboza on Unsplash

My nearly two-year-old daughter and I had a recent conflict. Discovering a pot in our home filled with decorative pebbles, she grabbed rocks by the handful and threw them down our staircase—over and over again. When I asked her to stop, she persisted with equal parts belligerence and delight. I finally picked her up and made her stop. Weeping, wailing, and gnashing of baby teeth followed.

Backlash, even from a baby, isn’t fun. But as any good parent knows, there are moments when you must be firm and decisive. A healthy home life also obviously requires many more moments of patience and prudent accommodation. To my nine-year-old son, I once conceded, “I guess you can go ahead and see how eating popcorn on your bed turns out.” Allowing this mess led to the consequence of cleaning. Butter isn’t easy to get out of a bedspread, but preserving moral agency was worth it. 

When exactly to accommodate and when to challenge is not always easy to discern—not in a happy home and not in our often discontented society. Doing so requires a kind of moment-by-moment attunement to the needs of those around us and a deeper grounding in truth to guide our actions—neither of which are easy or quick. 

The house of discipleship may be bound by precepts that reflect seemingly competing truths.

In our contested culture, many are trending away from upholding truth, at least publicly, while others are choosing a socially-comfortable position because the effort required to personally discover and advocate for truth—wherever it falls on the so-called political spectrum—seems too costly.

I get it; making the case for cleanliness in the face of a popcorn party is uncomfortable. I’ve been there. But Christ calls us to bravery—a willingness to speak, to stand up, and yes, even to confront bad ideas when truth is on the line. But bravely standing up for truth doesn’t always mean unyielding rigidity. Truth, after all, recognizes other moral agents as possessing divine potential and, in the American system, certain inalienable rights. For any society to cooperate and promote the good, it must be willing to do the hard work of building unity out of plurality—this has always been the genius of the American experiment.

Recognizing healthy moderation. There is good reason to be wary of waffling wishy-washiness, of course. When the Laodiceans, who received their water by aqueduct four miles away, heard the admonition, “I know thy works … thou art lukewarm, and neither cold nor hot,” they could appreciate the unpleasant effects of temperate water in the analogy. Devoid of properties to either refresh or steep, this kind of tepid water had little purposeful power. Their own uncertain works and commitment to God likewise deemed them “lukewarm, and neither cold nor hot.” 

At the same time, seeking to “moderate and unify” is commendable, as taught by President Dallin H. Oaks. Moderate can mean “making less extreme,” but it can also mean “subject to correction by better knowledge.” This type of moderate belief becomes a conduit for greater wisdom and the very means for approaching truth and increasing one’s association with God and others. 

In Christ’s own teaching, the house of discipleship may be bound by precepts that reflect seemingly competing truths which nonetheless reflect tensions that are fruitful when properly balanced: 

  • “Let your light so shine before men, that they may see your good works” (Matt. 5:16) contrasts with  “[D]o not your alms before men” (Matt. 6:1).
  • Christ approached sin in one setting by overthrowing tables (John 2:15) and in another by gently and privately instructing, “[G]o, and sin no more” (John 8:11). 
  • Latter-day Saints learn to be “anxiously engaged in a good cause” (D&C 58:27) but also to “not run faster or labor more than you have strength” (D&C 10:4). 
  • Christian students “seek learning, even by study and also by faith” (D&C 88:118) while “Trust[ing] in the Lord … and lean[ing] not unto [their] own understanding[s]” (Proverbs 3:5).
  • Those opening their hearts are to “Doubt not, but be believing” (Mor. 9:27) while “Tak[ing] heed that no man deceive you” (Matt. 24:4-5).
  • Furthermore, Paul teaches, “Let your moderation be known to all men” (Philippians 4:5), while John writes of being spewed from the mouth of God for being “lukewarm” (Revelations 3:16). 

I believe context and motivation dictate the righteous application of what can sometimes seem like opposing virtues. 

Finding a moderation that empowers. While moderate belief has its virtues, like most good things, it can be perverted as well. In my personal faith journey, I’ve been aware of the risks that can come from lukewarm discipleship. I’ve sometimes wondered: Am I an active member more out of habit than out of conviction for Jesus Christ? When the answer has been less than satisfactory, I’ve tried to engage my heart and mind to explore a deeper personal relationship with the Savior. Energetically and decidedly pursuing God in such moments has led to joyful spiritual growth, miraculous outcomes, and clarity of truth.

This kind of soul-stretching can be both exhilarating and exhausting. But I’m so grateful in church settings to be among others seeking the same. To give communities a chance to be uplifted by divinely-inspired living, the faithful must do more than receive God’s teachings. They must represent them to others too. But any community is an exercise in moderation. It requires bumping up against other moral agents and learning from them, thus moderating accordingly. Aristotle called this process of discerning virtue in community the process of acquiring practical wisdom. We garner virtue as we come into contact with each other, as we moderate and unify. 

Grounded, open, and engaged.  But modern-day publishers of peace will also not be surprised to feel somewhat different about virtue than their peers. God recognizes that His ways are not always the world’s ways (Isaiah 55:8). Indeed, He identifies His people as “peculiar treasures” (Ex. 19:5). 

When I took a strong stance against my daughter’s behavior, the immediate consequence was backlash. Guiding my daughter to beneficial behaviors is a responsibility and privilege, even as growth and change can be painful. But we endure short-term conflict for the sake of lasting virtue.

Speaking up with inspired direction can distinctly satisfy parched souls and warm shivering hearts.

Of course, negotiating with a toddler is much simpler than discerning truth among opposing political or social parties. The pertinent experiences and perspectives don’t always reside solely within an obvious position. And through dialogue, all can better appreciate new perspectives even if they don’t always agree with them. President Oaks assures, “The goals of both sides are best served by resolving differences through mutual respect, shared understanding, and good faith negotiations.”

As Paul has observed, we see through a glass darkly. This should imbue us with humility, even as we seek earnestly to act and align with the truth we do understand. Believers the world over appreciate how God holds all truth, while Latter-day Saints see it being restored through the Church of Jesus Christ—offering powerful standards to rely upon. 

Christ reminds us to love others, bear burdens, live honestly, and remember the grace Jesus offers to protect and strengthen. With the light of Christ given to everyone, we can approach others with our own lights, seek it in others, and at all times, stand as witnesses for God and His ways. 

Pres. Oaks continued, “Teachings based on faith in God—however defined—have always contributed to moral actions that benefit the entire nation. This will continue to be so as religious people love and serve their neighbors as an expression of their love of God.”

So in times of great spiritual thirst for some and isolating winters for others, Christian disciples should offer decisive clarity, including in how we approach the thorniest political issues and treat our fellow citizens on the other side of issues. Speaking up with inspired direction can distinctly satisfy parched souls and warm shivering hearts; it can also begin a dialectic that fosters greater unity and even, appropriate, moderation.  

 

About the author

Holly Boyd

Holly Boyd is a wife and mother of four young children. She earned her MAcc at Brigham Young University and loves writing faith-based lyrics in her spare time.
On Key

You Might Also Like

Will Latter-day Saints find Themselves on the Left on Abortion?

This week Fr. Thomas Reese called on US Catholic bishops to start supporting the Democratic party if they do end up victorious on the issue of abortion. Reese argues that while ending abortion is an important priority for these bishops, once that goal has been passed they may find themselves more generally aligned with Democrats. Reese’s article got me thinking about how a major change in abortion law may affect Latter-day Saints’ political leanings. This will likely depend in part on how abortion law is settled. Whether a national legislative compromise can be reached or it does go to the states. But if the Supreme Court rules in Dobbs that there is no constitutional right to an abortion and the matter returns to the states, we may see Latter-day Saints shift significantly. There are currently ten states that, in this scenario, would outlaw abortion without exceptions for rape or incest. While the Church’s position emphasizes opposition to elective abortion for convenience, it does allow exceptions for pregnancies that result from rape or incest. To be clear, the Church itself does not favor or oppose specific legislative proposals. And yet if the large question on abortion shifts from whether or not elective abortion should be legal to whether or not there should be exceptions to allow abortion for rape or incest, Latter-day Saints may find their sympathies on the opposite side of the abortion debate. Just as not all Latter-day Saints today advocate that the law match the Church’s position today, some Latter-day Saints might argue that while the Church’s position is for the whole world, not every country needs to allow those exceptions. So I certainly don’t mean to suggest that every Latter-day Saint must shift, but it’s certainly worth noting as a potential future trend.    

The Supreme Court’s Textualist Temptation

The Supreme Court’s much-anticipated decision in Bostock v Clayton County may in fact tell us more about how courts decide what law is than what law says. It may also serve as an unexpected opportunity for judicial conservatives to move away from textualism and reclaim a more inclusive jurisprudential methodology. For over four decades the legal community has been arguing about first principles for interpreting our laws. In Bostock v Clayton County, a case about LGBTQ rights that the United States Supreme Court will decide this term, the central question involves an interpretation of the federal Civil Rights Act of 1964, which famously bans discrimination based on race, religion, sex, or national origin. The case is important because it will determine whether discrimination based upon “sexual orientation” is covered by the original prohibition in the statute against discrimination on the basis of “sex.” But the case may actually be more important for the ideas used by the court in how we interpret our laws. The case presents what may well become a textbook example of the application of textualism, and its related concept, originalism, to the interpretation of a landmark statute. Thus from the standpoint of how laws are interpreted, the case is fraught with meaning and symbolism.  That argument will take center stage in a highly ironic way. Judicial liberals will be arguing for textualism (typically the conservative position) and conservatives will be arguing for a much more broadly based contextual understanding (usually the liberal position). From my perspective as a judicial conservative, this is an opportunity to restore textualism to its traditional place in jurisprudence, which could also have the added benefit of reducing the tension between textualism and originalism, something that has received too little attention from conservatives. To understand the debate, some brief history is necessary.  Textualism, Orginalism, and the Rise of Judicial Activism For many decades the main complaint of conservatives focused on “judicial activism”—the idea that courts are reading into the language of our laws certain policies that the framers or the legislators did not address. This is typically done by using arguments based upon fairness, equality, and broad readings of the purpose of the language in question. Doing so, conservatives, argued, was to subvert democratic decision-making and turn republican government into rule by the judiciary. This further tends to foreclose the discussion, debate, give and take, and compromise that will address all the related implications of the decision. To deal with their concerns, many judicial conservatives argued for increased reliance on two particular methods of interpretation: originalism and textualism. Textualism focuses on the literal words being interpreted, their grammatical meaning and their dictionary definition, and largely, although not entirely, ignores other considerations if the meaning of the words is thought to be clear. Originalism focuses on the meaning of the words as they were understood at the time, usually in the sense of how they would have been understood by the public. Neither method was new, but various champions of these concepts who emphasized their application (particularly when it came to constitutional questions), rose to prominence. Several of them are now on the United States Supreme Court. The late Justice Antonin Scalia was especially associated with textualism, and current Justice Gorsuch has publicly associated himself with this same approach Scalia favored. Justice Thomas is a devoted originalist; and Justice Alito is sympathetic to both originalism and textualism. On the other hand, the so-called “liberals” on the court are much more in tune with what former Justice William Brennan called “living constitutionalism.” That approach takes the position that many of the provisions of constitutions are intended to have broad and evolving meanings. They are generally in favor of giving preference to judicially developed ideas of fairness, equality, and policy considerations that they believe are appropriate for the current times and circumstances. While not rejecting the ideas of originalism or textualism out of hand, they view the usual application of those concepts as too narrow —insisting that other approaches should be given equal or more weight, depending on the circumstances. In this way, what others might argue is plain, they often find ambiguous. It’s also the case that many of the tools that they would apply are broadly accepted by judicial conservatives and liberals alike, such as looking at the structure and purpose of the law, and related statutes, as well as somewhat more controversial but commonly used methods such as legislative history, or even weighing the consequences of a decision. By contrast, originalism emphasizes the long understood idea that a written constitution by definition was constructed by its framers to have fixed meaning. Constitutions provide for a means of amendment, and that process implicitly confirms that what was not amended should be understood as unchanged. The bedrock idea is that a constitution represents the will of the people, freely adopted by both representation and ratification, and not imposed by any other means. Although statutes can be freely changed by the legislature, originalists insist they should have the meaning that they had when enacted. This straightforward concept is eroded, however, by two hundred years of change, some obvious and some, as the great historian Gibbon would have said “insensible”—happening so gradually and imperceptibly that most hardly even noticed it. Major events like the Civil War and the amendments to the Constitution that it generated, introduced broadened concepts of due process and equal protection to the constitutional text and our way of thinking about laws more generally. The massive economic growth of the country also generated different ways of thinking about commerce, and how the state regulates behavior through a huge administrative process.  Together with these developments, a growing body of legal academics began to emphasize various sophisticated issues, such as the potential elasticity of some of the language of law, arguing that standards such as “cruel and unusual punishment” were intended to have an evolving meaning, not one fixed for all time unless amended. Finally, as judges and scholars have noted for over 150

Critical Race Theory, Plus Faith, Hope, & Charity

Across the country, and within Utah, there’s been a great deal of fear and frustration directed at Critical Race Theory. For a faith community dedicated to “seeking truth no matter where it comes from,” are we open to doing that even with CRT?